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Soviet Union—Foreign relations—Asia, Central. Asia, Central—Foreign relations—Soviet Union. Nation-building—Asia, Central—History—20th century. Nation-building—Uzbekistan—History—20th century. Uzbekistan—Politics and government 20th century. Nationalism—Kazakhstan—History—20th century. Nationalism—Uzbekistan—History—20th century.
Soviet Nation-Building in Central Asia : The Making of the Kazakh and Uzbek Nations - gyqacyxaja.cf
S65U24 I owe my most sincere gratitude to countlesspeople who have supported me in this endeavour and it is only a few of manymore that I can name here. First and foremost, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude and deepappreciation to my supervisor, Dr Kirill Nourzhanov, for his invaluable guid-ance, insightful comments, and support at each step of the way.
I also feel hon-oured and privileged to have had an opportunity of being advised by adistinguished expert in Sovietology, the late Dr Geoffrey Jukes. A big thank you also goes to the entire staff and fellow PhD scholars ofthe CAIS, past and present, for making my time at this distinguished educationand research centre such a rewarding experience. Further, I am enormously grateful to my parents Demuri and Natela Ubiria,whose support and inspiration enabled me to accomplish this goal. I particularlythank my mother for being so supportive in whatever paths I have chosen. Moscow: Gossta- tizdat, Itogi vsesoiuznoi perepisi naseleniia goda.
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Almaty: Zan Adebieti, Karklins, Rasma. Karpat, Kemal H. Milan: Feltrinelli, Abylkhozhin and K. Gorbachev and the Nationalities. London: Centre for Security and Conflict Studies, Lubin, Nancy. Soviet Studies 33, no. Luckyj, George S. Literary Politics in the Soviet Ukraine, — Luxemburg, Rosa.
The Russian Revolution. Translated by Bertram Wolfe. New York: Workers Age Publishers, MacFadyen, David. London: Routledge, Magavin, A. The Bolshevik Persecution of Christianity. London: John Murray, Melnikova, T. Formirovanie promyshlennykh kadrov v Uzbekistane.
Tashkent: Uzgo- sizdat, Mendikulova, Gulnara. Russian Review 59, no. Northrop, Douglas. Nourzhanov, Kirill. Harvard Asia Quarterly 5, no. Novoseltsev, A. Nusupbekov, A. Baishev, S. Beisembaev, et al. Foreign Affairs 6, no. Radkey, Oliver H. The Election to the Russian Constituent Assembly of Radzhabov, K.
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For instance an individual can be a Catholic, have affinity with a French speaking community, be proud of his migrant background and the city where he grew up, all at the same time. Mohr, , p. This leads to five possible options: Shifting through expansion- Actors can expand boundaries to include more members. This they do by constructing new categories, which are more encompassing.
According to Wimmer the most consequential form of boundary expansion in the modern world is nation-building: Creating a nation out of different groups that before solely identified with locality, religion, race or background. The most common form is promoting citizenship to surpass existing differences. Shifting trough contraction- The opposite strategy is to contract existing boundaries of a group and narrow the conditions that categorize its members.
Soviet Nation Building Central Asia Making by Ubiria Grigol
This phenomenon is usually witnessed with demands for more regional autonomy or separatism and therefore based on stricter categories of locality. Normative inversion- This strategy does not target the position of the boundary, but reshuffles the social hierarchy of the different groups divided by this boundary. The excluded and despised become the chosen people who are morally, physically, and culturally superior to the dominant group.
Among other, clear examples are the colonial nationalist movements in Africa that overthrew white domination. Status change might be pursued individually or by repositioning the ethnic category of the whole groups. This latter is rather uncommon. Mostly individual or a part of the group can succeed in passing the boundary or assimilating. Blurring boundaries- This strategy seeks to overcome ethnicity as a category for classification.
By promoting a whole new category like religion, citizenship or ideology, actors can hope to decrease the salience of an existing ethnic boundary and to invoke completely different criteria to stress common characteristics. The aim is to overcome ethnic divisions.
Actors try to construct and shift boundaries according to their preferences, but are of course constrained. Thirdly, the network of political alliances will influence which groups will be included and which will not.
New Books in Central Eurasian Studies
First a short, broad introduction will highlight the most important boundaries in historic times and during Tsarist colonization. Further, the stark nation-building policy during Stalin will be addressed. And finally this paper will focus on each country separately to identify how such similar constraints institutional framework, power distribution and networking yielded such different results in all five countries.
Indigenous society consisted chiefly of nomads and landless peasants, who received their wages in kind from landlords or cattle herders living mostly in urban centers. Only a small minority, tending cotton fields, got their wages in money. Together these groups maintained the hierarchy of landlords, rich herders, craftsmen, civil servants, money lenders and the religious elite which were concentrated in the Khanates.
Public services were scanty or non-existent. Ethnic concepts had virtually no significance.
They were deeply religious. For instance in , the emirate of Bukhara counted Mosques. The nomads on the other hand were bound by clan or tribal affiliations. Most of them believed in shamanism related to the Sky-god Tengri. Others had converted to Sufi-Islam. Religion did not play such an important role in their lives as it did for the settles communities.
Control of the vast countryside was much weaker. Both wanted change, but in different ways: the Qadims sought to alter society within the framework of Islamic tradition. Their ranks consisted of Sufi clergy scattered all over the countryside and they enjoyed mass appeal in the oases. While they opposed Russian domination, they refrained from confronting it. The Jadids on the other hand were also graduates of Quranic schools or Islamic colleges; but since they studied one or more Western languages, they had access to Western Political Theory and Practice.
They were not supported by the clergy and therefore focused on socio- economic reform, especially by establishing reformed schools, which offered Russian and modern sciences along with religious instruction. They toyed with the idea of adopting Western dress and changing the Arabic script to Latin.
They accepted Russian dominance as a necessary evil. Until the First World War the Tsarist regime was able to neutralize any armed resistance against its presence, but already after its political authority weakened, and Nikolas II was forced to sign the October Manifesto and introduce constitutional monarchy. This provided a breathing space for Central Asian political demands. Regarding popularity Jadids got the upper hand over the Qadims after the violent outbreaks between Shiites and Sunnis in Bukhara in The Muslim party, established in , contained members from the whole empire, but their program became eventually dominated by the Volga Tatars, which proclaimed pan-Turkism as an alternative to the programs of Qadims and Jadids.
The only other significant group that came close to an ethnic entity was the Alash Orda, the ancient federation of three Kazakh hordes Zhuz that was transformed in a political organization already before the Bolshevik Revolution and demanded their lands back from the Slavic settlers.
Contractions of group boundaries based on locality or tribalism led to short-lived or proclaimed autonomy for the Alash Orda, the Kokand Khanate, or the Turkestan region. Only in a second phase, when promises from the Whites and Reds proved untrustworthy, a more general resistance group was established, known as the Basmachi insurrection.
After the creation of the Soviet Union, the new communist government carved up the region into separate units broadly along ethnic-linguistic lines. This policy stemmed as much from administrative as political and ideological considerations. Lenin supported Nationalism as a form of social relations as a response to rational-social oppression caused by capitalism during its early period.