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Thus first- and second-generation DS theoretical and policy paradigms overlooked the actual roles of Western states in capitalist development including periods of relative laissez-faire, which is a distinctive form of state intervention, as well as the more obviously interventionist periods of mercantilism, imperialism, and the Keynesian Welfare National State and the conditions that shape state capacities in different contexts.

This is one way to avoid the risk of equally one-sided analyses of the pre- and post-crisis periods — exaggerating the success of the former and failures of the latter or else interpreting the past as pathological and positing a new start if only the 'right' policy choices are made. Note two points here. This opens space for discursive struggles, with material interests also at stake, over the nature and bases of competitiveness. In addition to Ricardian and Kaldorian accounts, concerned with static comparative and dynamic allocative advantage respectively, we can also mention Schumpeterian competitiveness oriented to entrepreneurship and innovation Schumpeter ; Porter ; Jessop ; see also below.

Different discourses imply different forms of political action with different effects on the competitive positioning of firms, sectors, regions, and nations as well as on the balance of political forces within and beyond the state. Second, as the leading edge of economic development and forms of competition change, so do patterns of competitive advantage and, therewith, the requirements of catch-up competitiveness.

Grou Thus state capacities to promote competitiveness depend on adapting competitive strategies to the position of national economic space and its key economic actors within the changing competitive hierarchies of the world market. At the same time, however, the capacity to compete is grounded in diverse sources of competitiveness, both economic broadly considered and extra- economic. This raises the question whether increasing return to scale activities, as defined by Kaldor, Reinert and others, may expand from industry to include services and, in particular, whether financialization can provide the basis for DS strategies — especially when we include Schumpeterian competitiveness.

The Listian Workfare National State To address these issues more concretely, I distinguish four aspects of state involvement in securing capitalist expansion. The first is the broad field of economic policy oriented to securing conditions for profitable private business that cannot be secured through market forces alone. The second aspect is social policy, that is, the state's roles in reproducing labour power individually and collectively over different time horizons from day-to-day through individual lifecycles to intergenerational reproduction.

This poses economic problems over the individual and collective suitability of labour- power to capital's needs and its own survival without a secure income or other assets; social problems such as social inclusion and cohesion; and political problems regarding the legitimacy of state intervention in this area and its relation to other identities that workers may have.

The third aspect concerns the main scale, if any, on which economic and social policies are decided — even if underpinned or implemented on other scales. This matters because economic and social policies are politically mediated and the scales of political organization may not match those of economic and social life.

Top-down state intervention is just one mechanism in this regard; and states as well as markets can fail. This suggests the need for other flanking mechanisms and, insofar as these also fail, for attention to the relative balance. Although the Listian Workfare National State LWNS shares certain general properties with other types of capitalist state, it is also distinctive on each dimension.

First, it was Listian insofar as it aimed to secure economic growth through export-led industrialization from an otherwise relatively closed national economy and did so mainly by combining catch-up supply-side interventions and neo-mercantilist demand management.

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Cumings ; Weiss Thus catch-up competitiveness was based on switching investment into sectors and clusters that offered increasing returns to scale in an increasingly integrated national market protected by neo-mercantilist policies and measures but organized to encourage export-led growth rather than import- substitution alone. Even though Hong Kong was more Ricardian in orientation, its self-described laissez-faire colonial government used critical economic levers, especially its control over land supply and the industrial and domestic property markets, to guide economic growth Sum Second, LWNS social policy had a distinctive workfare orientation.

This is reflected in five policies: 1 limiting wage costs qua cost of production, 2 investing in human capital; 3 promoting personal savings and accumulation of assets to assist the reproduction of labour-power over the life cycle; 4 encouraging limited forms of occupational welfare for core workers at factory-level as a means of reducing overall pressure on wage demands; and 5 promoting forms of collective consumption favourable to the exportist growth dynamic, which, as noted by Kaldor and Reinert, involved a virtuous circle of export expansion and reinvestment of export earnings in the next generation of capital goods.

National security discourse, institutions, and practices affected all three elements of this matrix.

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Neo- mercantilism was an important basis of economic security; the national state was a national security state; and a strong nationalist ideology was developed to counteract challenges from divided societies Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong or Cold War enemies Japan. Local governments in Taiwan and South Korea acted mainly as relays for national policies; and the international regimes that were established after WW2, the Chinese revolution, and the Korean War were mainly intended to restore national economies and states within the orbit of the Western bloc under US hegemony.

Fourth, the LWNS was statist insofar as a strong national security state and its institutions on different levels were the chief means to guide and supplement market forces in securing economic growth and social cohesion. National security discourse legitimated this role, including the repression of organized opposition and dissent; and it also justified state guidance of market forces even before 'market failure' occurred.

Given the residual nature of government social policy and the limited institutional separation of the economic and political, a major secondary role fell to the extended family, guanxi, and other institutions of 'civil society' in the shadow of the state. These are the individual and social wage relation; the enterprise form and modalities of competition; the money and credit system banking and credit systems, the allocation of capital to production, national currencies and world monies, and monetary regimes ; the forms of state intervention and its social bases in institutionalized compromise; and the international regimes that link national economies and states into the world system see Boyer and Saillard ; Jessop and Sum The relative dominance of different forms and the relative importance of one or another aspect of each form provide a useful heuristic for exploring the specificity of comprehensive concepts of control, economic strategies, state projects, and hegemonic visions and their respective crisis-tendencies and dynamics cf.

Jessop First, export-oriented growth prioritized the wage as an international cost of production rather than source of domestic demand. Nonetheless, as incomes tracked export earnings if not always in line with productivity , there was growing pressure as well as increasing scope to expand domestic demand for better housing and more consumer durables.

This began among the middle classes, spread to organized labour, and supported the growth of capital oriented to domestic mass consumption. Second, enterprise competition was balanced by cooperation. Small and medium enterprises were also integrated into larger supply chains managed by domestic conglomerates or overseas buyers and, in Singapore, state- sponsored multinationals engaged in inward FDI.

Such cooperation-competition was crucial to export-led growth based on flexible imitation, technological, process, and product innovation, and, eventually, targeted movement up the world technological and product hierarchy. This would later provide the basis for charges of crony capitalism. Third, the catch-up strategy privileged credit allocation for long-term growth and prioritized the allocation of national money and international aid or loans to investment rather than consumption.

Hong Kong differed because of its continued post-war colonial domination and more Benthamite approach to governance and security. In all cases, however, state insulation from popular control would eventually be undermined as perceived security threats declined and economic growth continued, which raised popular expectations about mass consumption and democratic participation. This table could also be re-specified for earlier examples of the developmental state, taking account of stages in the development of the world market, different state capacities, and different leading edge technologies and accumulation regimes.

In the next section I will examine how the LWNS and catch-up competitiveness were undermined by changes in the leading-edge of competitiveness and shifts in the dynamic of the world market and changes for further comments on the theoretical assumptions, see Jessop Following Robert Boyer , I note that periods of stability involve complementary institutional hierarchies and, in more pluralistic or democratic regimes, institutionalized compromise; and that, in periods of instability, one structural form tends to disrupt these institutional hierarchies and leads to essentially political struggles to roll back past compromises and establish new ones.

Each LWNS had its own distinctive economic regime and mode of regulation that combined its four features with other functions, scales of action, and modes of governance. In some cases, one finds greater continuity, linked to the view that there was a crisis in the prevailing form of the LWNS, which required only incremental shifts to move towards a new regime e. Even in Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia, where the crisis was greater, there were significant continuities.

Iceland following the North Atlantic financial crisis. The neo- liberal promotion of global flows of disembedded capital and domestic de-regulation had a particularly adverse impact on the virtuous Kaldorian relation between exportism and growth in the LWNS paradigm. Second, rising personal incomes and popular demands for social welfare weakened the effectiveness and acceptability of the initial workfare regime. Third, the coherence of the economic core and the primarily national matrix of regulation that had permitted concerted state guidance were both challenged by growing interest in promoting inward and outward direct investment as well as a regional division of labour that stretches production networks across national border.

Fourth, there were growing external pressures to 'rollback' the DS through such measures as privatization, liberalization, de- regulation, market proxies, reduced taxes, and an opening to foreign direct investment. This arose in different ways — through preparing to meet the free trade requirements of entry into the WTO, through the impact of the Asian crisis, or simply through massive trade dependence on US markets that made export-oriented economies vulnerable to American pressure to adopt neo-liberal measures favourable to US interests.

Responding adequately to these four sets of pressures would have required major institutional changes in the economy and state that would inevitably threaten certain sectors of the dominant economic and political elites and thereby destabilize the hegemonic constellation and its power bloc within and beyond the state. Not all states had the institutional capacities and balance of forces to resolve the resulting economic and political institutional crises — Japan is the most notorious example of state failure here, despite continuing export competitiveness in many industries with Abenomics the latest example of economic policy failure.

Nonetheless, as we shall see below, it has re-invented rather than rejected the DS paradigm. Second-tier East Asian NICs were hard-hit by the economic crisis because of their much faster catch-up process, more rapid integration into the emerging regional as well as global division of labour, greater economic, social, and political stresses due to uneven development, and greater vulnerability to large and sudden inflows and outflows of short-term, speculative capital. They also had less effective state capacities.

But we can note two general sets of factors that were mediated through the private more than the public sector. First, there were growing cost pressures as they competed with each other and even newer NICs in the region such as China and Vietnam for market share, sought to cover the costs of new rounds of investment and technological innovation, tried to cope with a rising real effective exchange rate both against the dollar, to which national monies were pegged, and, more seriously, against the yen which was then depreciating against the dollar , and addressed workers' demands for higher wages and social welfare benefits.

Second, there was the de-stabilization of national systems of credit allocation through the attempted global imposition of liberalization and deregulation, the use of short-term dollar- denominated foreign credits to finance long-term investment, the additional inflow of short-term speculative 'hot money' and resulting excess liquidity, and the search for easier profits in land, property, stock market speculation and intensified political corruption as compared to industrial production.

In general, the free movement of global capital made the East Asian economies especially second-tier NICs increasingly vulnerable to currency speculation even though many still had strong underlying 'fundamentals', namely, high domestic savings, budget surpluses, low inflation, and good growth prospects. Unsurprisingly, then, the crisis itself was triggered by the collapse of financial bubbles generated by hypermobile speculative capital aided and abetted by some local economic and political forces rather than by long-term balance of trade problems.

Second-tier NICs notably Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines suffered even more from acute pressures of foreign debt and domestic institutional crises. But, after the initial shock, South Korea reoriented its neo-statist strategy around the knowledge-based economy and financialization.

More generally, there was growing interest in regional initiatives, beginning with the deepening of the intra-regional division of labour and associated intra-regional trade and, perhaps, despite initial IMF and US opposition, towards a relatively 'dollar-free' regional currency regime. Recalibrating Developmental States versus Post-Developmental States The problem of reinvigorating and reregularizing accumulation after the Asian crisis involved more than finding new ways to manage the same dominant structural forms.

For the relevant spatio-temporal dynamics and contexts had changed, the inherited forms of the DS were in crisis, the horizons for catch-up competitiveness had altered, new accumulation strategies and state projects were emerging, and, in this context, the most important structural forms and their contradictions and dilemmas also changed.

Moreover, far from being purely regional, the crises of exportism and the LWNS were closely linked to the exhaustion of the Atlantic Fordist growth dynamic to which EANIC exportism had been closely tied. This indicated the need to develop a new catch-up competitiveness strategy as well as to rebalance export-led growth and domestic demand.

In terms of catch-up strategies, the dominant competitive forces are those that set the terms of competition in the most important market. These include not only various kinds of firm-specific assets and competences but also meso- and macro- economic factors and forces.

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This has been captured in the idea of 'structural competitiveness'. Once deemed relevant, meso- and macro-economic competitiveness can be targeted for action. This extends economic competition to diverse extra-economic institutional factors and socio-cultural conditions that bear on economic performance and it thereby subjects entire societal regimes to the audit of the world market. Which extra-economic factors matter depends on the competitive positioning comparative and competitive advantages of firms and sectors in the changing international division of labour and hence the position of local, regional, and national economies in the hierarchically ordered world system.

Prof. Rahul Mukherji, Ph.D. (Columbia)

At any given time growth in a given economy will reflect patterns of decline due to competitive disadvantage , growth due to competitive advantage , and recovery thanks to effective restructuring of uncompetitive sectors. The next two paragraphs summarize his arguments. Based on general theoretical observations and close attention to the historical trajectories of Japan, Europe, and the USA, Kitschelt suggested that different technologies and industrial sectors are best promoted through different governance mechanisms Kitschelt ; cf.

Freeman ; Perez Industrialization in the late 18th century was based on light consumer and investment goods, notably textiles and machine tools, which involved loosely coupled technological systems with linear interactions. These can be developed in decentralized, market-oriented economies with a weak state. The next wave of industrialization, in the midth century, relied on steam power, iron, coal, and railway construction, all of which enabled economies of scale.

This favoured oligopolistic markets and industrial centralization through large corporations and, where these were weak or absent, required a stronger state role in industrial development. On this basis, latecomers, such as Germany, Japan and a then neo-mercantilist USA could catch up and, indeed, overtake England in these industrial sectors.

In turn, new science-based technologies that were developed at the end of the 19th century were compatible with two kinds of governance. The first is networks of medium-sized enterprises with close linkages between customers and suppliers and close interaction with a not-for-profit research infrastructure of universities and laboratories; the second involves large corporations that organized mass production industries based on economies of scale. The next round of major technological innovations comprised, according to Kitschelt, tightly coupled, complex systems with high development costs and uncertain outcomes e.

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