The Southern Speech Journal. Congress was agog". Washington Post. Retrieved January 30, Clark Puerto Rico and the United States, — University of Pittsburgh Press. Miller Center.
Early life, education, and governorship
University of Virginia. Retrieved February 1, Kennedy, A Companion to Woodrow Wilson pp. Leary , Jr. June , pp. NY: Routledge. Marshall, 28th Vice President — ". United States Senate. Encyclopedia of the American Presidency p. Oxford University Press. Vile Green, Southern strategies: Southern women and the woman suffrage question pp. Washington, D. June 4, Retrieved March 4, November 10, Retrieved November 10, Archived from the original on November 25, Real Life at the White House , p. University of Michigan. Archived from the original on May 5, African American History: An Introduction.
Peter Lang. President Wilson's racist policies are a matter of record. The Journal of Negro History.
What Drove Sigmund Freud to Write a Scandalous Biography of Woodrow Wilson?
Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppression. CRC Press. Wilson, who loved to tell racist 'darky' jokes about black Americans, placed outspoken segregationists in his cabinet and viewed racial 'segregation as a rational, scientific policy'. John Milton Cooper Jr. A Companion to Woodrow Wilson. Rucker; James N. Upton Encyclopedia of American Race Riots.
Washington D. Retrieved February 2, The New Yorker. May 25, Inside Higher Ed. New Jersey Hall of Fame. April 9, Retrieved February 11, Auchincloss, Louis Woodrow Wilson. Avrich, Paul Sacco and Vanzetti: The Anarchist Background. Princeton University Press. Berg, A. Scott Bimes, Terry; Skowronek, Stephen Blum, John Woodrow Wilson and the Politics of Morality. Little, Brown. Bragdon, Henry W. Woodrow Wilson: the Academic Years.
Belknap Press. Brands, H. Times Books. Clements, Kendrick A. The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson. University Press of Kansas. Cooper, John Milton Jr. Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Gould, Lewis L. Random House.
Hankins, Barry Heckscher, August, ed. Heckscher, August Easton Press. Herring, George C. From Colony to Superpower: U. Foreign Relations since Kennedy, Ross A. Wilson: The Road to the White House. Link, Arthur Stanley Wilson: The New Freedom. Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality: — Wilson: Confusions and Crises: — Wilson: Campaigns for Progressivism and Peace: — In Graff, Henry F. The Presidents: A Reference History.
Mulder, John H. Woodrow Wilson: The Years of Preparation. O'Toole, Patricia Pestritto, Ronald J. Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism. Ruiz, George W. Presidential Studies Quarterly. Saunders, Robert M. Greenwood Press. Stokes, Melvyn Walworth, Arthur Longmans, Green.
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Weisman, Steven R. White, William Allen . Read Books. Wilson, Woodrow Houghton, Mifflin and Company. Main article: Bibliography of Woodrow Wilson.
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Woodrow Wilson Addresses the Senate
Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February last, I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea.
It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be.
Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual: it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents.
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There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps, not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments now at war with Germany and, as incident to that. It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least , men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well-conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed.
It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans. In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished, we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty—for it will be a very practical duty—of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance.
They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there. I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of the government, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world, what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the 22nd of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3rd of February and on the 26th of February.
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Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up among the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people.
We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling toward them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. Regardless of Wilson's principled goals with respect to domestic affairs, it would be his administration's foreign policy that commanded the most attention. His efforts to maintain the "Open Door" in China and to improve relations with Latin America were favorably received, but soon became overshadowed by an unfortunate intervention in Mexico and then ultimately by war in Europe.
Wilson's initial reaction to the outbreak of World War I in August was to secure domestic support for official American neutrality, pleading with American citizens to be "impartial in thought as well as in action. In , German U-boats sank the ocean-liner Lusitania , killing Americans, and in it was revealed that Germany had invited Mexico to join in an alliance against the United States. When Germany announced that it would resume unrestricted submarine warfare in January , President Wilson felt the appropriate time had come for America to weigh in on the side of the Allies.
Despite having campaigned on a peace platform in , Wilson asked the Congress for a declaration of war and they obliged him. Less than a year after having committed American troops to the First World War, however, Wilson's thoughts began to turn to the postwar order, and he enunciated his views on this topic in the famous Fourteen Points Address of January Wilson laid out his vision for a cleaner, more open, and ultimately more peaceful international system in this speech, and with Germany's collapse in November, Wilson eagerly steamed to France to insure that his program found inclusion in the instrument of peace to be drafted at Versailles.
Despite a raucous welcome on the continent, however, Wilson was unable to override the desire of Britain, France, and Italy to punish Germany, and he was compelled to surrender thirteen of his points in exchange for realization of the one that he held most dear -- the League of Nations. Wilson's small victory, however, was overshadowed by his inability to persuade the United States Senate to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, and hence to join the league. Wilson had submitted the treaty to the Senate in July of , and the question of its ratification quickly evolved into a war of personalities between the president and his arch nemesis, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts.