First American edition. Authorized translation. Books 1 and 2. Book 2: Cloth binding, pp. Volume XXl of collected works. Writings and speeches by Lenin during the Bolshevik Revolution. Front hinge cracked with tape repair. Good condition. Book 1: Red cloth binding, pp. Gently used ex-university library, with a few pencil ticks in margins, spine sunned. Solid, clean copy in good condition. From: MW Books Ltd. Galway, Ireland. Very good copies in the original gilt-blocked cloth. Spine bands and panel edges somewhat rubbed and dust-toned as with age.
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Rosa Luxemburg after 1905
Seller Image. Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. Collected Works of V. For Lenin, this had the hugely important consequence of unifying the disparate elements that then formed SD in Russia.
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The Central Committee was to be the brains of the organisation, the agents the skeleton, and the local organisation, the eyes, ears and muscles. With fellow exile Arsenyev Potresov who had inherited some money which he used to finance the publication of Marxist works , Lenin and Martov determined on joining forces with their co-thinkers in the Emancipation of Labour Group.
He began to put this plan into effect immediately his term of exile ended. He also established written contact with Social Democratic groups and individuals in various other Russian towns, invariably gaining their support for Iskra. By the summer, Lenin, aided by Martov and Potresov, had established a network of individuals, groups and agents who were committed to supporting both Iskra as a publication, and the concept of a centralised party composed of professional revolutionaries organised around, and by the paper. In St Petersburg June , Lenin met Zasulich who had been sent by the Group to establish contacts with the interior, and, together, they negotiated its participation in the publication of an All-Russian Marxist newspaper.
Zasulich was one of the most popular individuals amongst Russian Marxists. As a young girl she had in the year before Trotsky was born attempted to shoot General Trepov, the police chief of St Petersburg, in protest at his torture of political prisoners. It was through Zasulich that the Group could claim a direct link to Marx and Engels On 16 July , Lenin and Potresov left Russia for Zurich to meet the Emancipation of Labour Group which, in fact, was a small propaganda circle, relatively few in number and poorly organised. On the other hand, when Lenin went abroad he stood in first place amongst the internal, Russian, SDs; he was one of the few people to have met most of the important Social Democratic groups, he had shown an excellent grasp of Marxist theory in his debates with the Economists, he had a solid store of practical revolutionary experience and, most importantly, he had a vision of a practical programme that would unify the movement and give it direction Whilst the initial discussions between Plekhanov, Axelrod and Zasulich on the one side, and Lenin and Potresov on the other, were extremely tense, working relations were established, meaning that Iskra had an editorial board of six, consisting of Lenin, Martov and Potresov, and Plekhanov, Axelrod and Zasulich, with Plekhanov having two votes.
In the next twelve months Lenin cemented the foundations of a national newspaper as organiser of a revolutionary Social Democratic party. In September , the Declaration of the Editorial Board of Iskra 18 was published, aggressively attacking all the reformist and non-Marxist currents within Russian SD. In December the first issue of Iskra was printed in Leipzig, and in February , the second issue was published in Munich, both on secret presses supplied by the German Social Democratic Party.
That Lenin made Leipzig and then Munich, rather than Zurich, the city in which Iskra was published, could be ascribed to his intent to minimise the influence of the members of the Group. In the late spring of , Lenin proposed a detailed and concrete plan for the unification of Russian revolutionary Social Democratic organisations, to be grouped around Iskra.
By this time Lenin was, de-facto , editor-in-chief, Iskra was becoming identified with him, and the organisation was commonly known as the Iskra organisation This caused considerable difficulties in the relations between the two men 21 , and the discussions on drafting the party programme led to such bitter exchanges that it was necessary for Zasulich and Martov to act as peacemakers and intermediaries, for Plekhanov and Lenin, respectively.
Fortunately, both were naturally conciliatory, and were friends who shared lodgings. However, as these dealings proceeded, Martov and Potresov increasingly came under the influence of Zasulich In this, one of his most influential works, Lenin elaborated the ideological foundations of a new type of party - the Revolutionary Marxist Party. It was a summary of Iskra tactics and Iskra organisational policy.
Iskra was becoming, as Lenin had hoped and planned, a rallying centre for Russian SDs, a mechanism for training, educating and informing party workers, and it had a decisive role in unifying the dispersed Social-Democratic circles. The agents of the editorial board - nine in number at the end of - travelled secretly all over European Russia contacting local groups, welding these into compact groups of professional revolutionaries, establishing groups where none existed, and co-ordinating their work.
They delivered party literature, helped to establish illegal print shops, and collected the information needed by Iskra. Moreover, they fought ideologically to win the groups to a Leninist position against the Economists and other non- Iskra groupings In April , the owner of the Munich printing press decided to cease printing Iskra and the editorial board agreed to transfer to London rather than Zurich. Lenin and Krupskaya left Munich for London and on 1 June , Iskra No 21 which carried the draft programme of the party, was published there.
After his escape he worked secretly in Russia for a short time, eluding the police, and forming circles for aiding the distribution of Iskra. It was no coincidence that Trotsky had made a bee-line for Lenin since Lenin concentrated all connections with Russia in his own hands. As secretary of the editorial board, Krupskaya received comrades when they arrived and instructed them when they left. She found Trotsky lodgings with Zasulich and Martov That Lenin was using Trotsky against Plekhanov is clear, since he argued that the editorial board needed a seventh member as a balance in voting, conveniently forgetting that Plekhanov had two votes.
Lenin proposed two specific tasks for Trotsky; formulation of the rules of voting on the editorial board, and the drafting of a precise constitution Nevertheless, with the support of Zasulich, Trotsky was subsequently invited to editorial meetings in an advisory capacity, although any reorganisation of the editorial board was deferred until the forthcoming Congress. By the time the Congress was convened, the overwhelming majority of the local Social Democratic organisations in Russia had agreed to support Iskra , approved its programme, organisational plan, and tactical line, and accepted it as their directing organ.
The years , during which Lenin was building Iskra and creating a national network of professional revolutionaries as the backbone of the future party, coincided with a massive upsurge in revolutionary feeling in Russia. In a sense, Lenin was pushing on an open door since his natural constituency - the workers - were, year on year, an increasing proportion of the revolutionary movement until, in about , they became the largest single grouping, replacing intellectuals and students Railway strikes, factory strikes, mass demonstrations of workers in St Petersburg, street barricades in Moscow, political strikes in Baku - for the first time workers became the main active political opponents of Tsarism.
Rarely can there have been any party Congress that began with such high hopes and ended in such acrimony. Lenin was the motor force driving the Congress, he played the key role, drew up the outline of the report on the work of the Iskra organisation, composed the draft party rules, the agenda and the standing orders of the Congress, and drafted a number of resolutions.
He was elected to the Bureau of the Congress and was a member of the three main committees: Programme, Rules and Credentials. He took the foremost part in a number of debates and spoke on almost all the subjects on the agenda. Given his input to, and expectations of, the Congress, the outcomes can be seen as a personal and political disaster for him. In his Account of the Second Congress of the RDSLP 32 , Lenin reports that there were thirty-three delegates with one vote each, nine delegates with two votes each, and ten delegates who could not vote but could contribute to the discussions.
Lenin undertook considerable preparatory work among the delegates, determining the general situation and state of organisation in various parts of the country, and discussing many of the problems confronting the Congress. This made it possible for him to ascertain the political stance of each delegate prior to the opening of the Congress.
Present were:. The Bund, a movement of Jewish workers that could be described as more akin to a trade union than a revolutionary party. The Bund was politically nearer the reformist Economists than Iskra , but the First Congress had constituted it a section of the party so it had to be to invited to the Second, 5 votes. The paper Workers Cause delegates. These were strongly inclined towards Economism, definitely cuckoos in the nest of the Congress, 3 votes. The paper Southern Worker delegates. Plekhanov, in particular, wanted this paper represented at the Congress against the opposition of Lenin, Martov and Trotsky, 4 votes.
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The first thirteen sessions of the Congress were held in Brussels, but owing to difficulties created by the Belgian police, the Congress moved to London. The most important sessions for the future of the RDSLP were: the party programme, party organisation confirmation of the party rules , elections to the Central Committee, and elections to the editorial board. Lenin wrote a long and detailed report of the Congress in One Step Forward, Two Steps Back 33 , in which he describes the disruptive tactics used knowingly from the start by the Bund and Workers Cause delegates, and possibly unwittingly by the Southern Worker delegates - the former because of their reformist politics and opposition in principle to the kind of party Lenin was working towards, the latter to preserve its independence, individualism and parochial interests and to prevent it from being swallowed up in a disciplined party.
There was no suggestion that the early sessions, held in Brussels, indicated any serious differences between Lenin, Martov and Trotsky. Just over two weeks into the Congress, a number of minor differences among the Iskraists had emerged on secondary issues. Then on 2 August, at the 22nd session, the discussion and vote on Paragraph 1 of the party rules, which defined the conditions of membership, took place.
Here, for the first time, a rift appeared between Lenin and Martov. Lenin wanted clear-cut, definite relationships within the party. Martov tended toward more diffuse forms. It could be argued that it was at this meeting that the coming split between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks first took shape. Before it devoted itself to organisational matters, the Congress voted for the dissolution of all independent party organisations and their fusion into a single party; seven of the eight delegates from the Bund and the Workers Cause withdrew. The issues implicit in the vote on Paragraph 1 of the rules now came to the fore in a much more developed form on the question of membership of the editorial board.
Through a special resolution the Congress adopted the newspaper as the central organ of the RDSLP and approved an editorial board consisting of Lenin, Plekhanov and Martov. Lenin believed he had the support of Martov and Plekhanov that the editorial board be reduced from six to three. To move towards a more professional organisation, and away from personality politics, it was sensible to recognise these facts and re-constitute the editorial board accordingly. Frantic pressure from Zasulich persuaded Martov, Potresov and Trotsky to change their minds Trotsky moved a counter resolution, based not on the needs of the party but to protect the feelings of Zasulich, that the original editorial board be retained.
It is from this vote that the Bolsheviks majority and the Mensheviks minority , derived their names. Despite the decision of the Congress, Martov refused to participate in the editorial board, and Nos.
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Lenin did not foresee it, and certainly did not want it. Apart from subsequent changes by Lenin to the section on the agrarian question, which he had written, this remained the RDSLP programme until after October , both Mensheviks and Bolsheviks agreed with its basic formulations.
Of particular importance for us, is that the programme clearly separated the bourgeois and the socialist revolutions Trotsky placed personal feelings before politics 42 and failed to appreciate the necessity of an organised, disciplined, centralised cadre party for the success of an armed uprising against the autocracy. He expressed this new hostility to Lenin in his report of the Congress with his usual flair and style. Trotsky ceased to contribute to Iskra and became a member of the Menshevik shadow Central Committee and, with Martov, drew up the resolution expressing the Menshevik boycott of Iskra The Mensheviks held a majority in the League and considerable time was taken up with a reply from the floor by Martov, in which he made a scathing attack on Lenin.
His speech further personalised the discussion. Trotsky was a leading figure in all of this, co-authoring with Martov, the resolution passed at the meeting. Trotsky was identified as a leading anti-Bolshevik. He presented an ultimatum to Lenin, that the old editors be reinstated or he would resign from the editorial board. By 13 November, Plekhanov had co-opted the old editorial board, and Lenin resigned shortly afterwards, after the publication of issue No 51 of Iskra , in order not to stand in the way of possible peace in the party However, his supporters immediately co-opted him onto the Central Committee which he then used as a base to conduct a campaign to win back Iskra.
However, the co-option of the old editors onto the editorial board gave the minority control of the new Iskra. The Central Committee was Bolshevik, but it was deprived of a public voice. Gradually, the new Iskra ceased to publish the copy sent in by the supporters of the majority, and the position of Lenin looked extremely bleak. At this point Trotsky wrote a series of articles for the new Iskra on Menshevik policy towards the Russian liberal bourgeoisie, his analysis was a penetrating condemnation of Menshevik strategy.
Plekhanov, to whom support for the liberal bourgeoisie was the key to the success of the Russian Revolution, threatened to resign from the editorial board in protest when Iskra continued to publish articles by Trotsky A more experienced revolutionary would not have been so publicly venomous or personally hurtful.
Through his youth and inexperience, Trotsky made a serious enemy of Lenin, who for the next thirteen years considered him one of the most vicious of the Mensheviks. The resulting mutual hostility helped block any possible collaboration between the two men for well over a decade, and required the momentous events of to overcome it. By the end of , and the start of , Trotsky was more or less on his own, at loggerheads with virtually everybody, politically isolated. Whatever his intentions, Trotsky was now outside the two major groupings within the RDSLP and, while a brilliant journalist and great speaker, had not shown any significantly greater political insight than his contemporaries.
For Lenin the situation seemed grim. Everything which had been expected of the Second Congress was in ruins. With the capture of Iskra , the Mensheviks had achieved a substantial victory. Even leading Bolsheviks close to Lenin did not fully understand the differences and tended to play them down which made the split look even less justified.
Indeed, Lenin, himself, later confirmed that the political differences between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks only emerged clearly well after the Second Congress 51 , and explained the forces which lay behind the split as due to the opposition of, primarily, intellectuals whose conditions of life and work naturally inclined them against the necessary discipline of a revolutionary party By the autumn, the prospects for the Bolsheviks were looking brighter.
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By the end of a Bolshevik Organising Centre had been established in Russia, with the backing of thirteen party committees. Despite their lack of resources, the Bolsheviks had managed to launch a new paper, Vperyod Forward , and at a meeting in Geneva on 3 December, an editorial board was elected with Krupskaya as secretary:. Revolution in Russia! Harding, N. Sennett, A.
Not to be confused with long-time friend of Krupskaya and fund-raiser for Iskra , the feminist Mrs A. See Wolfe B. Lenin, V. The events of the First Revolution, are given only in enough detail to show the very different experiences of Lenin and Trotsky; differences which played a major role in the subsequent development of the conflicting theories of Permanent Revolution ToPR and the Revolutionary Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry RDDPP. Trotsky returned to Russia early, in February, and was at the very heart of the St Petersburg Soviet from its inception, gaining a unique insight into working class psychology and the dynamics of proletarian struggle.
The beginning of the revolution found the RDSLP seriously weakened both by the split in the leadership and by arrests inside Russia including nine of the original eleven members of the CC 3 which had left the organisation confused and disorientated. The emphasis on internal party discussions after the Second Congress had paralysed public activity for many months and, until Vperyod appeared in January , the Bolsheviks were without a public face, with a consequent lack of focus and organisation 4.
Lenin, for much of , concentrated his attention on Bolshevik membership and structure, launching a new weekly paper, Proletarii , organising a Bolshevik-only Congress in London from April, and working towards healing the split in the RDSLP. Immediately, Lenin had to correct the errors and mistakes of the Bolshevik committee-men: he had to persuade them to increase the recruitment of young workers, and to place these new recruits in local leadership roles. During this period, at the Third Bolshevik-only Congress, on the basis of actual events, he redefined the main ally of the proletariat in the Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution as the peasantry as a whole.
This proposed class alliance was the basis on which he developed, over , the slogan that would be at the core of Bolshevik governmental policy until , the RDDPP. As the proposed key for a successful revolution, this perspective was at the heart of Bolshevik strategy and, in the summer of , in a key text, The Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution 5 hereinafter referred to as Two Tactics , Lenin described how the strategy and tactics for a successful bourgeois-democratic revolution flowed from this central concept. Then, in November, he had to persuade the committee-men to participate in the activities of the Soviet as loyal members.
Simultaneously he had to publicly campaign and argue that a principled unification of Mensheviks and Bolsheviks was possible and necessary. This required organising a preparatory Bolshevik Conference in December in Finland, and then preparing for, and participating in, the Unity Congress, April , in Stockholm. On 9 January - Bloody Sunday - in the early afternoon, a large crowd of about ,, led by the priest father Gapon, marched to the Winter Palace to petition the Tsar.
The square was soon packed with workers, students, women, children and old people, many wearing their Sunday best. Some carried icons and church banners. There were no speeches. Everything was peaceful. However, troops were everywhere.
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The soldiers began firing. The dead were counted by the hundreds, the wounded by the thousands 6. The January massacre had a most profound effect upon the Russian proletariat; a tremendous wave of strikes swept the country, spreading to hundreds of towns and localities, factories, mines and railways. The strike involved something like a million men and women.
The movement swept through Poland, and from January the Polish capital, Warsaw, was in the grip of a revolutionary general strike. The Baltic area was also caught up in the revolutionary current and, in Riga on 13 January, 15, workers marched in protest and 60, workers staged a political general strike. The movement cut across national lines: Armenian, Georgian, Jewish, Lithuanian and Polish workers expressed their solidarity with their Russian brothers and sisters, and fought against the hated Russian autocracy.
A railway strike began in Saratov on 12 January, which quickly spread to the other railway lines, spreading the news of the revolutionary wave outwards to even the most backward provinces 8. For example, the St Petersburg Committee of the RDSLP, which was Bolshevik dominated, had only reluctantly agreed to participate in the 9 January demonstration, and then only a small group of about fifteen from a membership of almost 1, turned up The impact of 9 January pushed the whole of the workers to the left, with the mood flowing strongly in favour of militant action and support for the RDSLP, and Bolshevik and Menshevik workers now commanded attention at factory gate meetings.
Lenin was desperate to take advantage of the opportunities but believed all his efforts were floundering because of the amateurism, and disunity of the organisation largely resulting from the effects of the split Under the pressure of the mass movement, the Mensheviks in Russia moved rapidly to the left, creating unforeseen problems for the Bolsheviks. Dissatisfaction in the ranks of the St Petersburg RDSLP, and its supporters, with the bureaucratic methods of the local Bolshevik leadership, and its attitude to the developing mass movement, led to four of the six district organisations breaking away to join the Mensheviks During the first months of his return, hiding from the secret police, Trotsky could do little more than write.
He had a clear field, as none of the main leaders of either the Bolsheviks or Mensheviks returned to Russia until much later. By the summer, Trotsky was the best known name of the RDSLP due to a stream of articles, leaflets, letters, and particularly an appeal to the peasants. These included a series of newspaper articles against the notion that the liberals were the natural leaders of the revolution, and developed his idea that the working class were the decisive force in the revolution:.
Neither the peasantry, nor the middle class, nor the intelligentsia can play an independent revolutionary role in any way equivalent to the role of the proletariat Consequently, the composition of the Provisional Government will in the main depend on the proletariat. Lenin was concerned with the less glamorous, but essential, problems facing the Bolsheviks: how to overcome their routine ways of working and how to establish links between their relatively small forces and the masses of workers who were moving into struggle. The Mensheviks were invited to attend but stayed away and organised their own conference in Geneva.
Lenin remained outside Russia devoting considerable time to the preparation and convocation of the Third Congress, and on 12 April , the first Bolshevik-only Party Congress met in London. Lenin drew up nearly all the main resolutions and delivered a number of reports and speeches to the Congress. Considerable attention was given to the technical and organisational preparation for the overthrow of Tsarism, and there was to be a stepping up of the political, agitational and propaganda work, including paying special attention to work in the army, e.
Nevertheless, it was agreed that especially at a time when events had raised the question of armed insurrection, the fundamental task facing the party was winning over the masses These attitudes, which led to Lenin losing the vote on the resolution actually moved by Bogdanov On the Relations Between Workers and Intellectuals Within the Social Democratic Organisation , represented a strong conservative current within Bolshevism that Trotsky would have to face in the St Petersburg Soviet some seven months later Lenin appreciated the need for such people in building the party.
The Bolshevik committee-men devoted their lives to the party, and had remained loyal to the revolutionary movement despite repeated arrests, imprisonment and exile. They provided the continuity of the movement, but their clandestine life style meant they had to be conservative in their behaviour to preserve their existence He saw what a tremendous influence the work of the committee had on the masses, and as a rule he recognised no inner-party democracy.
The committee-men objected to the overruling influence of the Centre abroad. At the same time they did not want innovations. The events in St Petersburg stirred the provinces into action. On 1 May, workers struck in nearly towns throughout Russia. The major strike, of some 70, workers, lasting over two months from 12 May, was in the Bolshevik stronghold of Ivanovo-Voznesensk, a textile town known as the Russian Manchester.
This was the reality of the matter: either this Soviet took power in its hands and dissolved the Tsarist government or the latter would dissolve the Soviet The increasing strength of the protests forced the Tsar to make a series of concessions; on 18 February, the Tsar issued his first Manifesto in which he hinted at a constitution and popular representation, and set in motion a separate manoeuvre intended to divide and disorient the working class. To defuse the growing militancy in the factories the government set up a commission headed by Senator Shidlovsky to investigate and identify the causes of the discontent among the workers.
In an unprecedented move, it was announced that workers would be represented on the commission by means of elected delegates. The proletariat agreed overwhelmingly to participate, and this gave them the experience of electing plant representatives, experience they would use nine months later in elections to the Soviets. On 6 August the Tsar issued a second Manifesto promising a parliament or Duma, and finally, following nation-wide political strikes, he issued his third Manifesto on 17 October promising a constitution, an amnesty for political prisoners and exiles, civil liberties and universal suffrage This October Manifesto by the Tsar, gained primarily through the actions of the workers, solved nothing fundamental, but it gave the liberals increasingly worried by the rising militancy of the workers , a reason to unhook themselves from the revolution.
As Lenin and Trotsky had foreseen, the bourgeoisie, which had all along been striving to strike a deal with Tsarism, now deserted the revolutionary camp. The strike wave which gripped nearly all industrial areas throughout the spring and summer, took on an increasingly political character, but the end of July saw a sudden drop in the urban strike wave.
During the summer there was a sharp decline in strikes in big factories, but a gradual increase in strikes amongst the most downtrodden and oppressed layers; workers in the smaller factories such as bakeries, brickyards, domestic servants, sawmills and slaughterhouses. A new impulse came from Moscow with a dispute at one print-works over whether the type-setters should be paid for setting punctuation marks. The Committee was successful, the strike rapidly spread to other print-shops and factories and, within a few days, had become general throughout the city, spreading to the railways in and around Moscow, which started to grind to a halt on 6 October.
The railways were the arteries of Russian industry and with their stoppage all major industrial activity, through necessity or sympathy, ceased. On 9 October a national conference of striking railway workers was held in St Petersburg where demands were made for an 8-hour day, civil liberties, amnesty for political prisoners and a Constituent Assembly.
The strike movement was beginning to transform itself into a struggle to deprive the state of some of its power and give it to the people. By 10 October, the entire Moscow region was in the grip of the strike which spread inexorably outwards along the railway lines in all directions, reaching the capital on the 13th. Delegates were elected on the basis of one delegate for every industrial workers Small workshops were meant to combine, but numerical norms were not observed too strictly; in some cases delegates represented only a hundred or two hundred workers, sometimes even fewer:.
In order to have authority in the eyes of the masses on the very day it came into being, such an organisation had to be based on the broadest representation. By mid-October, three quarters of a million railwaymen were on strike. On 16 October Finland joined in. The movement then spread swiftly to the post offices, telephones, telegrams, and professional workers. This compelled the Tsar, after consulting with his ministers, to issue the October 17 Manifesto.
It was a successful ploy and on 21 October the general strike came to an end 30, As would be expected, the peasant movement was both uneven geographically and lagged behind the town in revolutionary consciousness so their actions tended to be confined to their locality. Dimitrii Sverchkov has described how, for example, during the railway strike, white-collar staff often left their station by the last train owing to the danger of reprisals from the local peasants who saw the strike as an obstacle to their products reaching the towns At its peak, the St Petersburg Soviet gathered together deputies from a total of factories the majority were metal workers, and these played the decisive role , 34 from workshops, 32 from the printing and paper industries, 16 from trade unions and 12 from the shop workers.
The Executive Committee was formed on 17 October and consisted of 31 persons - 22 deputies and nine representatives of parties three each from the two SD factions, and three from the Socialist Revolutionaries SRs. Sverchkov a Bolshevik reported that Trotsky, Sverchkov himself, Bogdan Mirzodzhanovich Knuniyants member of the St Petersburg Bolshevik Committee and a former technological student and Pyotr Aleksandrovich Zlydniev left Menshevik, a worker in a large factory , formed the core leadership of the St Petersburg Soviet with Trotsky the undisputed ideological leader The Soviet chairman was a lawyer with links to the Mensheviks, Khrustalev-Nosar, an indecisive man who kept his position by balancing on top of the momentous forces that the Soviet represented.
Trotsky, Sverchkov and Zlydniev were later chosen as a trio to replace Khrustalev-Nosar after his arrest, but the leading political figure in the Soviet was undoubtedly Leon Trotsky Here was an extremely broad, democratic and flexible organ of struggle which gradually increased its representation and authority.
The Soviet represented practically the whole of the Petersburg proletariat but it was not all-inclusive. St Petersburg, was both the Russian capital and industrial centre, and as such was the national focus of the events of the last three months of In St Petersburg itself the Soviet was the lynchpin for these events. This purely urban, proletarian organisation was the natural organisational focus and form of the revolution, as would be confirmed in It cannot be doubted, however, that the Soviet represented the interests of the whole proletarian mass.
The Soviet represented the nascent power and revolutionary strength of the working class districts, counterposed to the power still retained by the military-political monarchy. Trotsky wrote most of the proclamations and manifestos of the Soviet and gained enormous popularity with the workers. Trotsky was just 26 on 7 November, and became president of the St Petersburg Soviet on the 23rd.
Trotsky undoubtedly showed himself, despite his youth, to be the best prepared. Less than any of them did he bear the stamp of Trotsky understood better than all the others what it means to conduct the political struggle on a broad, national scale. The advent of legal conditions created huge opportunities for the party press. Its circulation rose to 80,, a significant achievement for a party which only a few months earlier had been underground. Trotsky had even greater success. On 13 November, in alliance with the St Petersburg Mensheviks, he took over the liberal paper Ruskaya Gazeta Russian Gazette , changed the name to Nachalo The Beginning and turned it into a mass revolutionary daily paper.
Its circulation reached a staggering half million by December! Lenin Collected Works: Volume 7. Cymbala, Account of the Second Congress of the R. Plan of Letters on Tasks of the Revolutionary Youth. Maximum Brazenness and Minimum Logic. An Unsubmitted Statement.
The Position of the Bund in the Party. An Unissued Statement. Letter to Iskra. Letter from the Central Committee of the R. Note on the Position of the New Iskra. To the Party Membership. Session of the Council of the R. To the Party February Circumstances of Resignation from the Iskra Editorial Board. May Day.