In addition, the evidence is based on panel data analysis, namely logit regressions with fixed effects to allow for country differences. The historical shifts encompassed in globalisation create incentives that increase the opportunity cost of conflict.
Countries have more to lose in terms of political allies, social gains and trade benefits. We further extend the analysis by decomposing globalisation into economic, social and political globalisation. We find that social globalisation is a relatively stronger predictor for decreasing conflict than the other two components, suggesting that social interactions play a beneficial role through migration and dissemination of information as a pacifying agent.
They have opened up their borders to foreign nationals and businesses in an effort to increase foreign direct investment, to gain expertise in policies, to increase the transfer of technology and skilled labour, and to encourage the integration of different cultures, religions and races. Does this decline in conflict coincide with the increase in globalisation? There are fewer conflict zones in than in , whereas globalisation has increased significantly since It is interesting to note that countries that are surrounded by relatively stable economies are integrated more rapidly into the global economic structure than those surrounded by relatively unstable ones.
Globalisation, Citizenship and the War on Terror
For example, South Africa, which shares borders with Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe, shows a more significant increase in globalisation over the decade than Sudan, which shares borders with Chad, Ethiopia and Central African Republic. This evidence suggests a possible spillover effect that deters countries from engaging in conflict for fear of losing the welfare gains associated with the trading relationships Barbieri and Schneider, Figure 1: Changes in globalisation and conflict between and The one view proposes that globalisation has a pacifying effect on conflict as it promotes economic growth and social progress through trade, migration of people and the transfer of information and technology.
These factors encourage peaceful relationships amongst countries. Barbieri and Reuveny find that economic forms of globalisation through trade, foreign direct investment and portfolio investment reduce the likelihood of civil war by increasing the opportunity costs for richer countries whereas internet use reduces the incidence of civil war only for less developed countries.
Moreover, Flaten and De Soysa find that countries with a relatively higher index of globalisation have a lower risk of civil war and political repression through increased prospects for social progress. Moreover, Hegre et al. Several studies find that openness to the global economy appears to drive down both the likelihood and the severity of civil conflict Blanton and Apodaca, ; Bussman and Schneider, ; Gleditsch, Furthermore, evidence from Russett and Oneal shows that increased participation in the international community has contributed significantly to the drop in the number of civil wars.
A study by Fortna also finds that the presence of peacekeepers reduced the risk of relapse into civil conflict by reinforcing security and acting as a barrier between the adversaries.
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Research undertaken by Bezemer and Jong-A-Pin finds that globalisation on its own works to reduce ethnic violence; however, when it is interacted with market dominant minorities and democracy globalisation increases ethnic violence. Furthermore, Olzak finds that economic and social globalisation increases ethnic conflicts through increased ethnic heterogeneity that may be as a result of migration.
On the other hand, Beck and Baum find little evidence that trade decreases conflict. The other studies use trade as a percentage of gross domestic product GDP as the preferred measure of globalisation Barbieri and Reuveny, ; Beck and Baum, ; Hegre et al. In our view, the trade variable captures only one facet of globalisation—economic openness—and as such does not give an accurate reflection of the historical shifts proposed by Pinker Economic openness mostly explains trade and financial globalisation through the flow of foreign direct investment and goods.
It does not take into account migration, the transfer of skills and information through other channels such as the internet, television, telephones, radio and books, or the political influence of international organisations and embassies based within countries. However, these indices do not have sufficient data for most sub-Saharan African countries and their time periods are limited Samimi et al. Major episodes of political violence involve at least directly related deaths and reach a level of intensity in which the use of lethal violence by organised groups is systematic and sustained.
The variable measures the total summed magnitudes or severity of all societal and interstate violence, which include international, civil, ethnic, communal, and genocidal violence and warfare. These effects include fatalities, casualties, resource depletion, destruction of infrastructure, and population displacements Marshall, We also separate the conflict variable into intrastate and interstate conflict dummies. Interstate conflict takes place between two or more countries.
Intrastate conflict includes civil and ethnic wars that take place between the government of a country and internal opposition group s without intervention from other countries. The main explanatory variable is a measure of globalisation that we view as representing the historical shifts. The index globalisation is compiled by Dreher and updated by Dreher et al. It combines three key sub-indices of globalisation social, economic and political into a weighted index ranging from 0 no globalisation to highly globalised. The globalisation index captures the international flows of goods, capital, business people, technology, and information and the presence of international organisations.
These different aspects in the index are closely related to the civilising process, pacification process, humanitarian and rights revolutions, and the extended periods of peace proposed by Pinker We view economic globalisation as representing the pacification and civilising processes. The ever-growing reliance on trade with other countries precipitated the transition from anarchy to state-run societies with increased urbanisation and industrialisation.
The civilising process has also increased innovations in technology that have improved productivity, as well as introducing judicial institutions to protect the rights of the people. Economic globalisation thus promotes international cooperation and discourages countries from engaging in conflict with their trading partners, as the opportunity costs of doing so are high.
We view social globalisation as representing the humanitarian and rights revolutions. Pinker attributes the humanitarian revolution to the age of reason and enlightenment, when literacy spread from the elite to the masses. Countries that also allow multinational firms are more integrated with global markets Flaten and de Soysa, and therefore less likely to engage in conflict.
Becoming members of international organisations encourages leaders to interact and come to common understandings; but more than that, the benefits obtained from being a member act as incentives to reduce conflict Kant, As such, governments within the organisation are likely to intervene in member countries that engage in conflict Seybolt, Moreover, Pinker states that the increasing presence of international organisations—such as peacekeeping forces, which mediate negotiations between aggrieved parties—acts as a deterrent to renewed skirmishes, which can escalate into conflict.
In addition, analysis by Russett and Oneal finds that increased participation in international organisations reduces the likelihood of two countries within the same organisation engaging in conflict. These include income per capita, democracy, education, resource rents, population and bordering neighbours. The control variables also help to minimise omitted variable bias. We expect that increases in income will reduce the grievances that make conflict more likely, such as poverty and inequality.
Collier and Hoeffler and Fearon and Laitin they find that low incomes per capita facilitate easy recruitment for rebel groups as income opportunities are worse in the formal labour market. This variable has contrasting results across the literature. While Krueger and Maleckova find no correlation suggesting that increased education decreases conflict, Collier and Hoeffler report that the number of males enrolled in secondary education has a negative effect on conflict.
Moreover, Reynal-Querol finds that the level of education is a significant determinant in reducing conflict, especially when not used in conjunction with income per capita. These contrasting results make it difficult to infer a priori expectations, but we expect a negative relationship between education and the magnitude of conflict.
It measures the checks and balances on the executive or the extent of institutionalised constraints on the decision-making powers of chief executives, whether individuals or collectives. A seven-category scale is used: one unlimited authority of the decision-making body to seven executive parity, i. The variable is normalised between zero and one.
According to Pinker , democratic countries tend to avoid disputes that hinder their trade relations and welfare gains. This is confirmed by Collier and Hoeffler , who find a significant negative democracy—conflict relationship, while evidence from Reynal-Querol shows that democracies, along with political systems that are more inclusive, are less prone to civil war. Others, however, find no significant effect on conflict Barbieri and Reuveny, ; Elbadawi and Sambanis, ; Fearon and Laitin, ; Miguel et al. Although several studies find that democracy does not reduce the number of civil conflicts, it does seem to reduce their severity Gleditsch, ; Lacina, We expect increased democracy to be associated with lower magnitudes of conflict.
Resource rents increase conflict through rentier effects that accrue to elite groups and raise the incentive to stay in power Fearon and Laitin, ; Pinker, These rents also fund rebel groups for those authoritarian incumbents who want to intimidate civilians Barbieri and Reuveny, ; Collier and Hoeffler, The resource curse appears prevalent in developing economies with weak governments Sachs and Warner, ; Ross, We expect a positive relationship between the number of bordering countries involved in conflict and the magnitude of conflict in the region.
According to Michalopoulos and Papaioannou , conflict is more likely in countries containing ethnic groups split by artificial colonial borders because i these split groups can be used by governments to destabilise neighbouring countries for example, the DRC left Burundi rebels to operate within its borders to disrupt Congolese rebels that controlled part of the DRC and Burundi border Seybolt, , and ii split ethnic groups that often face discrimination from the national government can engage in conflict with support from their co-ethnics across the border.
For example, Rwandan Hutu farmers displaced by the Burundi government joined rebel groups opposing the Burundi government Seybolt, Cross-country evidence from Bosker and de Ree also shows that the likelihood of conflict increases when there is an ethnic war in neighbouring countries. Furthermore, Gleditsch finds that the presence of trans-boundary ethnic groups increases conflict risk. The variable population is taken from the WDIs and measures the level of population in millions. Governments may find large populations relatively difficult to sustain, which can increase the risk of conflict Barbieri and Reuveny, ; Fearon and Laitin, Large populations are also likely to increase the pressure on scarce resources such as water, land or minerals, which can lead to conflict Gleditsch, Physical description xi, p.
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Contents Contents For example, during the election and presidency of United States president Donald Trump and members of his administration used the term globalist on multiple occasions. The administration was accused of using the term as an anti-Semitic "dog whistle" , to associate their critics with a Jewish conspiracy. The term first came into widespread usage in the United States.
The modern concept of globalism arose in the post-war debates of the s in the United States. This was the period when US global power was at its peak: the country was the greatest economic power the world had ever known, with the greatest military machine in human history. American historian James Peck has described this version of globalism as "visionary globalism". Per Peck, this was a far-reaching conception of "American-centric state globalism using capitalism as a key to its global reach, integrating everything that it can into such an undertaking".
This included global economic integration , which had collapsed under World War I and the Great Depression. Modern globalism has been linked to the ideas of economic and political integration of countries and economies. The first person in the United States to use the term "economic integration" in its modern sense i.
Mr Hoffmann used the word 'integration' fifteen times or almost once to every hundred words of his speech. It is a word that rarely if ever has been used by European statesmen having to do with the Marshall Plan to describe what should happen to Europe's economies. It was remarked that no such term or goal was included in the commitments the European nations gave in agreeing to the Marshall Plan.
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Globalism emerged as a dominant set of ideologies in the late twentieth century. As these ideologies settled, and as various processes of globalization intensified, they contributed to the consolidation of a connecting global imaginary. Compare this with globalism in the British-English corpus , where its appearance is later and much more muted. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Not to be confused with Globalization. Globalization portal. International Studies Review. It's more". World Economic Forum. The New York Times. Retrieved Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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