This growth had been unregulated and, in consequence, the environmental impact had been catastrophic. It was in the period —14 that there was a general realisation of the effects of rapid urbanisation. The statistical surveys of Charles Booth and others had demonstrated that the problem was more widespread than previously thought.
This new perception of the urban problem gave rise to a series of intellectual and political ideas that crossed party lines and permeated all levels of society. In , for example, 50 per cent of all recruits from Manchester were rejected because of their poor physique. The report of the Interdepartmental Committee on Physical Deterioration, in , associated the poor health of army recruits with overcrowding, atmospheric pollution and other effects of urban living Ashworth —90; Cherry — Therefore, the problems of the cities of Britain were seen, for the first time, to concern the nation.
This feeling was summed up by Horsfall in Unless we at once begin at least to protect the health of our people by making the towns in which most of them now live, more wholesome for body and mind, we may as well hand over our trade, our colonies, our whole influence in the world, to Germany without undergoing all the trouble of a struggle in which we condemn ourselves beforehand to certain failure. From T. Its main concern was the racial degeneration of the British people, in particular, in relation to the rising number of insane e.
At the same time, there was a strong campaign for national efficiency, which stressed, amongst other things, the need for industry to be located close to railway yards, and that residential areas should be located away from these areas Searle Thus, in effect, this campaign was an early assertion of the need for zoning in the city. An alternative to these authoritarian campaigns was put forward by the Garden City Association. His solution was the Garden City, an ideal form, which he presented in the terminology acceptable to the establishment and, above all, in practical terms.
The foundation of Letchworth firmly demonstrated this. Moreover, the Garden City Association was an important pressure group, which organised conferences on town planning in and and also held lectures throughout the country. The appeal of Garden Cities was not to any one group, but crossed political, religious, social and class lines Hardy The out-pouring of articles and books in this period advocating town planning is immense. It was with such pressure that the first Town Planning Act was passed in , which acknowledged that city development could no longer be subject to market forces alone.
It should be noted that the advocates of town planning looked to the past for examples to justify their position. In particular, it was the Roman Empire that attracted them. The Roman Empire was an urban culture.
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It was perceived as a strong empire geared up for conquest. The level of urban amenity and architecture impressed itself upon the early twentieth-century mind. The organised street grid and aesthetic appearance of the ancient city were also important in justifying the civilised nature of a planned urban environment see, e. The Town Planning Conference marked a high point for town planning in Britain. Never before or since has town planning been granted such high esteem. There were 52 papers, 1, delegates, and an exhibition at the Royal Academy. One of the problems for those, such as Haverfield, who see planning throughout the Roman world is the city of Rome itself.
The capital of the Roman Empire displays none of the qualities of planning that had been highlighted by Gardner and Haverfield. This had been recognised by Livy 5. He explained the form of ancient Rome with reference to the physical topography of the site and structural features, in particular the Servian wall. Moreover, he railed against the current tendency of planning in Rome based upon the grid without any respect to extant topography. In the discussion after the papers, Lanciani highlighted the replanning of Ostia in a fashion similar to an American city. The link between the Roman past and the present was well received by the delegates.
Following the conference, Haverfield revised his paper for publication in book form. The conference paper and Ancient Town Planning reveal his feelings about town planning. He insisted that modern and ancient life were not different Haverfield Also, under the influence of Geddes, he asserted that the ancient city under the empire served a region, with its amenities of the amphitheatre and theatre.
To back this up, he cited the example of Nucerians attending the amphitheatre at Pompeii in AD 59 Tac. Instead, he concluded, from an examination of the plan of the site, that the town had expanded in a number of stages from a smaller nucleated settlement, which was located to the west of the city. Ling From its original foundation, the city had expanded in a number of phases; these corresponded to the regular streets, for example in Regio 6. Because he could not identify a symmetrical grid or, even, a semblance of a grid at the site, he rejected the idea that Pompeii was laid out in a single phase.
He ignored an alternative explanation, given by Unwin, that the inexactitude of the layout of streets in Pompeii could be accounted for by the way the planner had utilised natural features, such as contours Unwin ; see also Miller In fact, the layout of Pompeian insulae has a close relationship to the natural topography of the site. Regiones 1 and 6, the most regular, are upon land that slopes in a southerly direction. The roughly square insulae, to the east of Via di Stabia, are built on an area of ground sloping to the south.
Regio 8 is dominated by its topography, with streets following the contours of the site. Regio 7 displays an irregular pattern, but this may be caused by the pressure on space in this central area. This may have altered the original street pattern. As a result, Haverfield was forced to suggest that the area around the forum was an earlier uncivilised prehistoric settlement and that, from this area, the city expanded in a systematic civilised fashion.
In doing so, he had in mind the modern schemes for the expansion of cities such as Barcelona. Therefore, in the absence of an archaeological chronology for the development of the site, Haverfield adapted the modern notion of town planning to the AD 79 evidence. This interpretation of the evidence provided a historical justification for twentiethcentury planning. Also, in many ways, his work gave the ancient city builder the rationality of the twentieth-century planner, with little account of other factors such as topography.
This view of town planning as a geometric grid was outdated by The complex reality of town planning did not concern Haverfield, who ardently stated that geometry was the key to a civilised urban society similar to that of the Roman Empire. The area of the supposed original settlement is outlined in black. Figure 1. These zones separated the working class from the middle class, residential areas from industrial areas, etc.
In many ways, this is the origin of the urban formations we experience today. The analysis of the city in twentieth-century geography has concentrated upon the definition of economic zoning from empirical evidence. The studies which have resulted have produced a number of models of the city. The concentric-zone model views, the city as arranged around a central core containing the government and administrative buildings, and the main business area. Around the CBD, there are a series of concentric zones.
The first and second are areas of light manufacturing and wholesaling, the third low-class housing, the fourth middle-class housing, the fifth highclass housing and the sixth out of town manufacturing Ayeni In this model, the socio-economic status of residents increases as the distance from the centre increases. The zones tend to be associated with transport corridors radiating from the CBD Ayeni — The Ancient and modern town planning 17 usefulness of these economic models of the city is limited for the study of Pompeii.
Pompeii does not exhibit any traits of socio-economic zoning Raper As is argued below, no single social group was confined to, or desired to live, in a separate area of the city segregated from the rest of society. However, the observation that the city clusters around a central CBD may be of some use. In Pompeii, we might be able to identify the forum as the central core around which the city was arranged. The forum was the area in which the administrative, religious, political, symbolic, economic and social functions of the city were concentrated.
However, Pompeii does not appear to have been arranged according to economic zoning, in which the elite were separated from the rest of society. Such economic zoning only appears in cities that have experienced the Euro-American Industrial Revolution in the nineteenth century and Euro-American planning law in the twentieth century Ayeni — Pompeii, then, does not easily fit modern concepts of land use and spatial division. To begin to understand the nature of urban space in Pompeii, we need to recognise what we are dealing with.
The relationship between urban space and society in Pompeii was complex and cannot neatly fit any one single theory Lefebvre ; Harvey ; Castells address this problem in the modern city. The built environment of Pompeii was a product of Pompeian society Harvey By studying urban space in Pompeii, we are examining the social relationships and social choices of Pompeian society in space Soja — Therefore, through the analysis of urban space in Pompeii, we come to understand the underlying social structure of Pompeian society.
The relationship between space and society is complex. Urban space in Pompeii reflects the nature of Pompeian society. However, we need to recognise that space is not entirely a neutral commodity see Hillier and Hanson for a theory of urban space. Individuals were born not only in an urban environment that had already been constructed. Their social choices were made in the context of this urban environment. Moreover, urban space has its own structure and rules: it cannot be arranged in a totally random way. Also, the arrangement of the streets is a factor in the non-random structure of space.
This would have been a factor at Pompeii. The emphasis upon private property had an effect upon the arrangement of space. This feature of Pompeian society placed a constraint upon the arrangement of space. Equally, the preferences of individuals, the concentration or aggregation of activities, the through-put of people and the ideology of Pompeian society all place their own constraints upon the randomness of space.
In effect, it is the urban society that alters the random nature of space and moulds space to its needs. In effect, Pompeii and the urban space it contains were social products rather than planned entities. For example, when Pausanias described Panopeus, he did not wish to describe the settlement as a polls, because it lacked public buildings Pausanias Therefore, public buildings were considered to be important: more than that, they created an identity for the inhabitants.
Above all, they reflected the needs of the population with respect to the gods. Most public buildings were associated with a religious aspect, whether they were temples, theatres, amphitheatres, basilicas or macella markets. However, there is also a secular dimension to these buildings. Their name was clearly displayed upon the structure.
The public buildings, as monuments, offered each inhabitant of Pompeii an image of their position in relationship to the power of others, the state and the gods Lefebvre —2. For example, a temple would have exalted a god and the builder of the temple, and emphasised the social distance and divisions of the community Lefebvre ; Scheid This makes monuments very different from domestic structures.
They take on roles that express the power, the ideology and the identity of a society, and in doing so, they express values that are timeless and associated with tradition Rossi Pompeii was a Roman colony from, at the latest, 80 BC Mouritsen ; cf. The settlement of Sullan veterans alongside the existing inhabitants of the city caused conflict and change App.
The period of the early colony saw a fundamental restructuring of monumental space to account for the needs of the new community. When the colony was founded, there were already several large temples, a bath building, a theatre, a basilica, a macellum and a forum complex. The visitor would have been aware of the prominent Doric temple in Public building and urban identity 19 Map 2. When the visitor entered the city via the Porta Marina, they would have become aware of the temple of Apollo. Once in the forum, the visitor would have seen the recently completed basilica and macellum, 2 and the shops opening on to the eastern side of the forum Maiuri — Finally there was the theatre, in close proximity to the triangular forum, for the holding of plays at festivals.
This would have given the visitor an impression of the city and its inhabitants. The impression was one of a Hellenistic city, with some attributes of Roman culture, such as the basilica Zanker a:5— This image was to be altered fundamentally once the colony had been established. The settlement of a large number of veterans in Pompeii alongside the existing inhabitants caused a certain amount of conflict. The nature of this conflict has been a matter of controversy. The issue of suffragium would appear to refer to the constitution imposed by the founders of the colony.
There was an ordo of elected duumviri and annually elected aediles. It was the nature of the constitution that caused the disagreement between the existing inhabitants and new colonists. There is little evidence for the notion that the inhabitants lost the franchise or for the existence of two sets of magistrates in Pompeii, one for the colonists and one for the existing inhabitants.
At the same time the city was divided into vici wards with altars to the Lares Compitales sited at the compita or crossroads CIL 4. This created new local areas with magistrates to celebrate festivals at the local shrines, a parallel for which can be found at Rome with the celebration of the Compitalia by the magistri vici Jongman —; Mouritsen ; Laurence ; Flambard , The other issue of contention for the Pompeians was an ambulatio a covered building similar to a porticus. The issue may have been that land had been expropriated for the construction of the ambulatio, or that its construction was in such a way that it altered the nature of space to cause offence to the Pompeians.
The quarrel was healed by the intervention of Publius Sulla, one of the patrons of the colony Cic. After all, he was attempting to defend Publius Sulla rather than to describe accurately the topography of Pompeii. It was in this period, after the founding of the colony, that the structure of monumental space was fundamentally altered here I follow Zanker a: 18— The forum was developed to reflect the needs and demands of the new settlers. At the north end of the forum the temple of Jupiter was established Richardson —45; Maiuri — 24; Mau —9.
This temple was the dominant focus for those using the forum. At the southern end of the forum, a porticus was constructed behind which there were three public buildings see CIL These are commonly associated with the magistrates of the city: one for the two duumviri, one for the aediles and one for the meetings of the ordo Zanker a: fig.
It seems more likely that these three Public building and urban identity 21 Figure 2. He states that the treasury, the prison and the curia should all be sited in the forum. These three unidentified buildings in Pompeii can be associated with these civic functions, which would have been a necessary part of the structure of the colony. Finally, in the south-eastern corner of the forum, another public building was constructed that is commonly identified as the comitium of the city. This identification is dubious at best Richardson —7.
However, it was an important building in its time; the identification of a functional purpose is now impossible. Building activity was not confined to the forum.
Two duumviri, C. Quinctius Valgus and M. Porcius, built the small covered theatre CIL Why there was a need for such a theatre is uncertain. The extant theatre may have been suitable for Greek- or Oscan-style performances and could not be adapted to the needs of the Roman theatre. Therefore, it is possible that this covered theatre was used for Roman-style celebrations, whilst the existing theatre continued to serve the needs of the Oscan community see Rawson on Italian influence upon Roman theatre.
An alternative explanation is more plausible. The small covered theatre in close proximity to the large theatre may not have been used for the staging of plays at all. The structure has close architectural parallels with structures at Corinth, Argos, Athens and Epidauros, which appear to have been used for the performance of rhetorical exercises or the reading of literary works.
It seems likely that the covered theatre at Pompeii would have served a similar purpose in the colonial period. Clearly, it was felt that the performance of rhetoric was a necessary part of the cultural life of the city. Later, Public building and urban identity 23 as magistri quinquennales, C. Porcius built the large amphitheatre to the south-east of the city CIL This structure replaced the forum as the venue for gladiatorial games see Vitr. These buildings were important in shaping the community. In the theatre and the amphitheatre, the population of the city and its hinterland sat to watch the games, thus fostering an idea of community and consensus Lefebvre ; Hopkins —30; Rawson During the games, the conflict within the community of Pompeii would have been forgotten, but not resolved.
Further construction of leisure facilities included the building of two new sets of baths: those to the north of the forum and the suburban baths outside the Porta Marina Richardson —53; Mau —7. On salt-water baths run by M. Crassus Frugus see CIL The identity of Pompeii as the Colonia Cornelia Veneria was enhanced by the construction of the temple of Venus to the southwest of the city Zanker a—22; Mau —9.
The temple replaced earlier houses and encroached upon Via Marina Arthur The temple rose high above the city walls and would have been a prominent focus for visitors arriving at the port on the river Sarno. Significantly, the Doric temple in the triangular forum was in a ruinous state during this period Richardson ; Richardson is supported by a decline in votive offerings in the first century BC.
Contra Ling It might be suggested that this was not a coincidence. Thus the building and position of the temple of Venus were not accidental: they reflected the new identity of Pompeii as Colonia Cornelia Veneria Pompeianorum. When the visitor to the city entered via the Porta Marina, they would have passed the temple of Apollo and entered the forum, where their view would have been dominated by the new temple of Jupiter.
The visitor was now presented with a higher level of amenities in the city: there were three sets of baths to choose from, two theatres to attend, and a new amphitheatre. Thus, in the period of the early colony, the number of public buildings had doubled in a process of cultural accumulation and change. This resulted in a mixture of new and old that provided an identity for both the colonist and the Pompeian.
Within a generation, this identity would have no longer reflected the divisions between the colonists and the Pompeians. Cicero, in the Pro Sulla 61—2 , noted that Publius Sulla, a patron of the colony, had resolved the differences between the colonists and the Pompeians, and that both colonists and Pompeians were in the court room in his support in 62 BC. The imperial period saw further development of public buildings throughout the city. Many of these projects mirrored the imperial building programmes at Rome Zanker a—40, b— on this subject.
Roman pompeii 24 Plate 2. It was the individual sponsor of a project, who determined the style and nature of the building. In many ways, these buildings reflect the new ideology of consensus under the rule of the emperor. It was in the forum that the influence of the emperor was most strongly felt. The shops on the eastern side of the forum were demolished to make way for a series of public buildings.
A porticus was built by Eumachia, a public priestess. Richardson for comparison with Rome; see also Richardson —8; Moeller The niches at the front of the porticus contained images of famous men from Roman history: Aeneas leaving Troy CIL Significantly, the inscription for the statue of Romulus is an exact copy of that in the Augustan forum in Rome Richardson Many scholars have sought parallels between this building and the porticus of Livia at Rome, which was dedicated to Concordia Augusta, built in 7 BC amongst others Richardson ; Zanker b: — 3.
However, the porticus of Livia as it appears on the Forma Urbis has little in common with the porticus built by Eumachia in terms of architectural plan, apart from the fact that both buildings have an apse Rodriguez-Almeida The buildings were both dedicated to Concordia Augusta, and the additional feature of the statues of famous men in the porticus of Eumachia in Pompeii has parallels with the ideology of the Augustan capital. The function of this large porticus has been hotly debated Moeller —71; Jongman — However, perhaps we should not be too eager to identify such Public building and urban identity 25 buildings with utilitarian purposes, especially not with a single function that excludes all others.
A porticus could have been utilised for a number of purposes. It provided a colonnaded area adjacent to the forum where people could meet, transact business, etc.
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Therefore, this porticus may have been used in the similar way to that of a basilica. According to Vitruvius, a basilica should be sited at a warm spot adjacent to the forum so that the negotiatores could meet in the winter Vitr. One of the groups of negotiatores that met in the porticus of Eumachia may have been the fullers, who set up a statue to her at the rear of the porticus CIL Undoubtedly, the porticus of Eumachia was used by other groups and for other purposes as well. However, few of these have made an impression upon the archaeological record.
To the north of this porticus, the temple of the Genius of Augustus was constructed. This temple was constructed by Mamia, a public priestess CIL Richardson considers the temple to have been built in the Augustan period Richardson —4; Mau —5. Certainly, there was an active interest in the worship of Augustus or at least his Genius in Pompeii. The building to the north of the Roman pompeii 26 Figure 2. It tends to be associated with a religious function and is known as the temple of the city Lares. Most scholars tend to date it to after the earthquake of AD 62 Richardson —5; Mau —5. Their reasons are that there is no evidence of repair to the building and that they cannot believe that such a complicated structure could have survived intact after the earthquake of AD However, the ability of any building to survive seismic activity depends not upon the simplicity of the structure, but upon how the forces are distributed for analysis of how earthquakes affect buildings, see Dalby ; Verney ; Ambrose and Vergun For example, the use of columns would have caused considerable weakness in a Roman temple; but the temple of the city Lares used no columns in its construction.
Although the building displays a plan of complexity, Public building and urban identity 27 it would have been relatively stable during seismic activity. Therefore, it is not impossible that it was built prior to the earthquake of AD 62 Zanker a: 28 considers it to be Augustan. The building appears to have been dedicated to the worship of the imperial cult, with niches for statues.
Indeed, there would appear to have been some architectural parallels between this building and the Pantheon at Rome Richardson , in particular the floor; he rejects the idea that the building had a domed roof. To the north of the building was the macellum, which in the imperial period served as a market for the sale of fish and other perishables De Ruyt —9; Richardson —1; Mau — At the eastern end of the macellum, there was a shrine with statues of the imperial family Zanker a: 28; Richardson Therefore, on the eastern side of the forum, a porticus, a temple of the Genius of Augustus, another temple of the imperial cult and the macellum were developed in the early imperial period to reflect the position of the emperor in the lives of the inhabitants of Pompeii.
At the same time as the development on the eastern side of the forum, the northern end was also being developed. A series of monumental arches were built in this period. An arch was constructed on either side of the temple of Jupiter. This caused the northern end of the forum to replicate the appearance of the Forum Romanum at Rome, where the temple of Divus Julius was flanked by monumental arches Coarelli —6.
It is impossible to be sure about the identification and the dating of these arches or to be certain to whom they were dedicated, but it is probable that they commemorated actions of the imperial family Richardson —9. The effect would have been to enhance the appearance of the Capitolium with arches on either side commemorating the achievements of the imperial family. This was complemented by the paving of the forum in Caserta limestone Richardson — In addition, a number of statue bases were erected at the southern end of the forum. Zanker has identified these with the imperial family Zanker a—3.
Therefore, for a person in the forum, to the north there was the Capitolium flanked by arches commemorating the Roman pompeii 28 Plate 2. Thus, the forum was transformed from being the cult centre of the city into a religious centre with a strong emphasis on the person and family of the sacrosanct emperor. It was not only in the forum that building activity took place: to the north, an arch commemorating the imperial family was built. The temple of Fortunae Augustae was built opposite the forum baths Richardson —6; Mau —2.
This temple was built in AD 3 by M. Tullius, a duumvir quinquennalis, on his own land CIL The temple was constructed so that the worshipper had to stand at an angle of 90 degrees to the street Vitr. This temple seems to have been at the centre of the imperial cult. These minor officials were drawn from the slaves and freedmen of the city. To the west of the forum, the temple of Apollo was remodelled by M. Holconius Rufus and C. Egnatius Postumus, and a sundial was added CIL Clodius Flaccus, in his first duumvirate, organised the procession and games of Apollo. The procession held in the forum included: bulls, bullfighters, various different types of fighters for the amphitheatre and three troops of boxers.
For the games, he funded a pantomime and put up the money to pay the famous pantomime actor Pylades CIL Public building and urban identity 29 On actors in Pompeii, see Franklin The inclusion of Pylades, one of the most famous actors of the Augustan age, demonstrates the cultural prominence of Pompeii on culture see Gigante As duumvir, A. Clodius Flaccus provided only part of the entertainment for the festival; others would have provided complementary elements. In his second duumvirate, A. Clodius Flaccus provided, for the same festival, the procession in the forum, as above, and on the next day a spectacle in the amphitheatre that included: thirty pairs of athletes, five pairs of gladiators, another thirty-five pairs of Plate 2.
The temple of Jupiter is to the left, and the macellum is to the right Roman pompeii 30 Figure 2. The festival was clearly a way for the elite to enhance their status and standing in the community Veyne —34 , and the accumulation of ever more elaborate features was the direct result of this competition between them.
Finally, the celebration of a festival upon such a grand scale would have brought renown to Pompeii as a centre of culture. To enhance the performance of these festivals, the large theatre and amphitheatre were refurbished. This prestigious project was financed by M.
Holconius Rufus and M. Holconius Celer. It would appear that the rebuilding of the theatre converted it from one suitable for Greek-style games to the recognisably Roman theatre we see today Zanker b—6. It was in this theatre that the community were seated in a way which reflected the position of each individual in Pompeian society. At the front were the decurions, behind them were the free adult males and at the back were the free adult females and slaves Rawson The stage performance commemorated the actions of the gods and ancestors of those watching. The dedication of the theatre to Augustus emphasised to the Pompeians his position in the state.
Also the builders of the theatre, M. Holconius Rufus, a patron of the colonia, and M. Holconius Celer, a younger relative of the patron of the colony, gained considerable prestige the inscriptions in the theatre celebrated the careers of M. Holconius Rufus CIL Holconius Celer CIL The seating in the amphitheatre was substantially rebuilt in stone in the Augustan period. Wedges of seats were constructed at the expense of individual duumviri and, in one case, by the magistri of the Pagus Augustus Felix Suburb anus CIL The triangular Public building and urban identity 31 forum was converted into a park with the Doric temple as a historic ruin.
It was here that a statue was set up to M. Also, a sundial was set up here by the duumviri L. Sepunius Sandilanus and M. Herrenius Epidianus CIL Finally the construction of an aqueduct provided fresh clean water for the baths, some private houses, and the public fountains Eschebach ; Richardson — Therefore, in the early imperial period, the image of the emperor and his family was present in nearly all of the public buildings in Pompeii.
Many new buildings had been built. It was, predominantly, the duumviri who initiated these projects, but leading female priests, such as Eumachia, could also have financed building projects Zanker b—3. Thus it was the elite who altered the image of Pompeii in this period. For our visitor arriving at the port on the river Sarno, the initial focus was still the temple of Venus, as they approached the city. Once inside the city walls, they passed the temple of Apollo and entered the forum. Here, they would have been dazzled by the Capitolium flanked by two monumental arches, the new porticus, and temples associated with the imperial cult on the eastern side of the forum and, finally, they would have noted the statues of the imperial household at the southern end of the forum.
As they moved through the city, they would have seen the new public fountains and may have visited the baths, which were abundantly supplied with clear water from the new aqueduct. The theatres and amphitheatre would have added to the image of the city. To the visitor, like the contemporary Seneca, Pompeii was now no ordinary city Sen. Pompeii was a Roman colony with close cultural connections with the capital.
The city enhanced its prestigious status by extensive building projects. The position of the Roman emperor in the state was given expression by the builders, which caused the image of the emperor and the imperial family to be present in most locations of public interaction in the city. Just as Augustus could boast that he had found Rome a city of brick and turned it into a city of marble, the Pompeian elite could point to a similar transformation in their own city Zanker b On physical damage to Pompeii see Maiuri Pompeii appears to have been close to the epicentre of this earthquake Andreau Other towns were affected: part of Herculaneum was destroyed, parts of Nuceria were damaged, and in Naples private residences were affected, but the public buildings were untouched.
Many people fled from Campania according to Seneca N. In Pompeii, it was predominantly the public buildings that were most affected: they were the least resistant to seismic activity. Some buildings may have resisted the seismic waves, including the amphitheatre and the theatres. Such an extensive project took time and considerable manpower Andreau The aqueduct may not have been reconnected to the water system before AD 79 Maiuri —4; Andreau , so that the city was once again reliant upon deep wells for its water supply.
The forum, with its exuberant public architecture, was not in use in AD 79 Maiuri The plan for reconstruction was an ambitious one and may have been supervised by the imperial authorities in the Flavian period Andreau ; After all, it was in this period that T. Suedius Clemens, a Roman tribune, redefined the pomerium of the city cippi, stone markers, record this: CIL Little of the restoration work had been completed by AD The temple of Isis had been completely rebuilt, by N. Popidius Celsinus, who was adlected into the ordo of decurions for this service at the unusually early age of 6 CIL A new set of baths was being built at the junction of Via di Stabia and Via di Nola Richardson —9.
This new set of baths encroached upon Vicolo di Tesmo to the east, and a street shrine was incorporated into the wall of the building. In the mean time, the inhabitants used the forum baths, which were supplied from cisterns and wells Zanker a: For our visitor arriving at the port on the river Sarno little of any note rose above the line of the city wall. Now they entered the city via the Porta di Stabia. Apart from the new temple of Isis and the amphitheatre, the city was undergoing reconstruction.
However, any visitor would have admired the plans of the Pompeians not just to restore their city to its former glory but to rebuild it on an even grander scale. In the early years of the colony, the existing public buildings were complemented by the construction of new features to provide for the needs of the colonists. This doubled the number of temples, baths and theatres, and an amphitheatre was constructed. Further buildings were added, which caused Pompeii to become one of the prominent cities in Campania. However, in AD 62, disaster struck: most of the public buildings were damaged by earth tremors.
In this process of change, the urban elite were motivated to put up buildings to glorify the gods, their city and themselves. In this process of euergetism, the elite made choices about what sort of building to put up. For example, Eumachia chose to build a porticus dedicated to Concordia Augusta and Pietas, rather than a temple, theatre or amphitheatre.
However, there would seem to have been a practical constraint upon this process. Once a city had one amphitheatre, it would not necessarily have been desirable to have another. Therefore, in the period from 80 BC to AD 79, we see euergetism as a cumulative process, in which the civic identity is altered and changed through the addition of new buildings and the restoration and enhancement of the existing structures.
This process closely parallels civic developments at Rome. However, in the Augustan period, at Pompeii the Public building and urban identity 33 Plate 2.
Roman Pompeii: Space and Society
In terms of cultural identity, Pompeii was not a backwater, but a Roman colony with strong cultural connections with Rome, the generator of power and cultural ideology. The city is often viewed as composed of a series of local communities, each with its own identity, which are centred upon a particular neighbourhood. In this conception of the city, each neighbourhood is spatially defined and perceived as a separate entity. Some definition of the terminology used in this chapter is necessary. Neighbours are simply defined as those people who live in close proximity to one another. Neighbourhoods and neighbours are examined in this chapter to establish the nature of local identity in Pompeii.
Such concepts were not unfamiliar to those living in the Roman world.
The word vicus ward referred to a neighbourhood of the city. Those living in that vicus were termed vicani. This is not to be confused with the term vicini, which refers to neighbours Mouritsen —7.
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Some names that appear in the electoral notices of Pompeii Forenses, Campanienses, Salinienses, Urbulanenses have been associated, by modern scholars, with the vici of the city CIL 4. This might suggest that the vici were named after the gates of the city. The correspondence between the names of the gates and the vici should not be overstated. It is rather the historical context of the division of Pompeii into vici that provides us with the evidence which begins to address the question of neighbourhood and local identity.
When the colony had been set up under Sulla, all the trappings of Roman culture had been grafted on to the existing city. These included the local cult of the Lares Compitales, and a division of the city into vici, local neighbourhoods, with two magistrates being selected for each vicus CIL 4.
It is a reasonable assumption that this division of the city into vici was modelled on the system in Rome. So, by analysing the relatively abundant literary and epigraphic evidence from the city of Rome, it may be possible to offer a more detailed interpretation of the surviving epigraphic and archaeological evidence for these divisions in Pompeii.
The city of Rome was divided into a number of local units known as vici, each with its own pair of magistrates, and cult of the Lares Compitales located at key crossroads on vici in Rome see Flambard and ; Laurence It was at the shrines of the Lares Compitales that the magistri vici celebrated festivals such as the Compitalia. Thus each inhabitant of the city was a member of a vicus, which had magistrates and its own local cult of the Lares Compitales. This organisation would have provided each individual inhabitant with a sense of identity and place in the city.
The vici played an important part in politics, and were utilised by Publius Clodius for the organisation of violent demonstrations in the 50s BC Vanderbroeck The administrative division of Rome underwent a fundamental review under Augustus: in 7 BC, the city was divided into fourteen regiones, which replaced the four existing regiones Suet. These regiones were utilised for organising the administration of the city Robinson — Further, according to Suetonius, Augustus divided the city into vici and magistrates were annually selected by lot in each vicus Suet.
This is strange: vici had existed in Rome prior to this date e. It would appear that Augustus was altering the spatial configuration of the vici to form a new structure that would replace the existing vici. The excavation uncovered a double-sided slab giving details of the annual calendar, a list of consuls from 43 BC, and a list of magistri vici from 7 BC, specifically stating that those of 7 BC were the first magistri vici. It was to these magistrates that Augustus had given the images of the Lares Augusti.
Not surprisingly, under Augustus they took on a larger role. These Lares Augusti were to be placed in the new shrines of the vici. Thus, in effect, the new Augustan vici associated with the Lares Augusti overlie the older vici associated with the Lares Compitales. It should be stressed that the Lares Compitales continued to exist in the city Suet.
The census for AD 73 recorded of them Plin. The revived cult of the Lares Augusti eventually overtook the cult of the Lares Compitales. Also, the original division of Rome into vici was forgotten in favour of the Augustan division of the city into regiones and vici Suet. Epigraphic evidence for the vici of Pompeii is not abundant. This would suggest that Pompeii, like Rome, was divided into vici, with magistrates who oversaw the shrines of the compita crossroads in the republic.
We know that the first ministri of this pagus were established in 7 BC, the same year that the magistri vici were set up in Rome CIL Epigraphic evidence also establishes that this pagus had magistri Augusti, as well as ministri Augusti CIL I think we may assume that these were established in 7 BC. Underneath the inscription were two carved fasces representing the emblems of office. Significantly, in Rome, the magistri vici were permitted to have two lictors carrying fasces Dio It would seem that in Pompeii these magistri Augusti also had the fasces carried before them as emblems of their office.
The pagus is well represented epigraphically, unlike other pagi and vici of Pompeii but see De Franciscis However, given the nature of the evidence for the Pagus Augustus Felix Suburbanus and how it mirrors the reorganisation of the vici at Rome, I think that we can infer that a similar reorganisation of the vici and the other pagi of Pompeii did occur in 7 BC. There are a number of altars found at the crossroads of streets in Pompeii. They may also include scenes of sacrifice and images of other gods and serpents.
If so, some of these vici would be extremely small units of only a few households. More likely, since most of the altars were sited on the major through-routes of the city, they may have been the markers of a boundary between two vici. There is also a very fragmentary list of magistrates from the vicus Urbulanenses at 9. None of the altars of the Lares from Pompeii included an image of the Genius of Augustus Mau Therefore, it is possible that these altars were dedicated to the Lares Compitales after the founding of the colony in the republic. It should be noted that some of the altars had fallen into disuse.
For example, the altar at the south-east corner of Insula 9. Other altars may have been removed, Roman pompeii 38 which might explain the uneven distribution of altars in the city. In the Augustan period, in Rome, the magistri vici had been presented with two images of the Lares Augusti. These images would appear to have been kept in a central shrine, like that excavated close to the Porticus Aemilia Mancini In effect, at Rome, the altars of the Lares Compitales were being overshadowed by the centralised cult of the Lares Augusti.
The structure at 6. There are two other structures that can also be associated with this cult 6. The Lares Augusti did not replace the Lares Compitales. However, in the first century AD, there was a tendency for people to associate more strongly with the Lares Augusti rather than the Lares Compitales, which may have caused some altars of the Lares Compitales to have been neglected or even removed. Therefore, in Pompeii, we are seeing this process of transition, in which the identity of the inhabitants of each vicus became concentrated upon the centralised shrine of the Lares Augusti rather than the altars of the Lares Compitales that marked the boundaries of the pre-Augustan vici of their ancestors.
There are a number of electoral notices in which the vicini or neighbours recommend candidates for office Mouritsen Mouritsen has pointed out that there are thirty-two in total, which represent 7 per cent of all such recommendations. Therefore, the limited nature of the evidence of electoral notices referring to vicini does not enable us to define any particular local area with any certainty. However, the recommendation of a candidate by the vicini does highlight the fact that there was a common identity amongst neighbours.
These electoral notices play upon the loyalty of neighbours to act in unison. Neighbourhoods can be recognised through an examination of the provision of public fountains Jansen ; Nishida —8; Eschebach ; Local identity 39 Map 3. These fountains would have been used by people in close proximity to them and provided a point of contact between neighbours. Also, the aqueduct would have provided for the existing demands for water: for the baths, private houses and public supplies. This replaced an earlier system utilising wells and cisterns in the city see Richardson —3 for wells , as can be seen graphically at a crossroads in Via delle Consolare.
The deep well behind the fountain was filled up with a deposit that included pottery, lamps and other items. This evidence provided an Augustan date for the fill. As the well had been replaced by the fountain, we can assume that the fountain and, by inference, the aqueduct are Augustan Richardson ; NS —7.
This suggests either that something was fundamentally wrong with the water supply from wells or that there was a new demand for good-quality water that led the city of Pompeii to undertake the vast expense of building an aqueduct. There was a cultural demand for good clean aqueduct-borne water in Augustan Italy. Vitruvius De Architectura 8 has a long discussion about the supply of water to cities and, in particular, drinking water.
However, sources in the mountains and, especially, in forests away from the sun were more suitable Vitr. Later, another author, Frontinus, was preoccupied with the provision of clear drinking water to the people of Rome. The water arrived in the city at a castellum reservoir at the highest point in the city.
In the castellum the water was divided into three, with one of these divisions receiving significantly more water; water left the castellum in three large pipes. Vitruvius suggests 8. Clearly Plate 3. Note the well head behind the altar Roman pompeii 42 Plate 3. Note the three pipes leaving the castellum Vitruvius considered that the supply of water to fountains and pools should be at least one-third or even half of the total amount of water delivered to the city by the aqueduct. This suggests that many people in the Roman cities in the first century AD utilised a public supply of water.
In Pompeii, many of the houses had their own internal water supply. However, this supply might not have fulfilled all their needs for water and, even where a house had its own supply, water may have also been collected from a public fountain. Very few were located to supersede known sites of deep wells. What is most striking about the location of both fountains and water towers is the way in which they caused obstruction in certain streets. In some cases they even prevented access to wheeled traffic, and the fountain in Via delle Consolare obscured an altar of the Lares Compitales.
The engineer who established the public fountains faced restrictions in their locations. Where there was space, they were located close to local shrines. However, in the narrower streets, they were placed in a manner that least impeded movement through the streets. In some cases, the Local identity 43 Map 3. This might suggest that their location was not sympathetic to the existing patterns of social activity and water collection. Indeed, the establishment of public fountains may have altered the existing pattern of social activity at a local level within the city.
People utilising a public water supply tend to draw their water from the nearest source, particularly if water in the city is of a standard quality. There were fatalities in a period of ten days. His method of locating it was simple: he plotted the mortalities on a map. This provided him with the spatial distribution of cholera victims, which was clustered around the pump in Broad Street Snow —55; Pelling Use was localised, with a number of people travelling to Broad Street to collect water from further afield, because the Broad Street pump delivered good-tasting water, unlike the pump in Carnaby Street, which no one used Snow In the case of Pompeii, such a discrepancy should not arise, because all fountains were supplied with water of the same quality, from the castellum of the aqueduct.
If anything, the pattern of use should be more localised. To reconstruct the pattern of use for the fountains of Pompeii, each fountain was plotted on a base map; then the distance between each fountain and the next was measured: the mid point of this distance was seen to be the edge of the area associated with those drawing water from a specific fountain. The assumption was that a person used the nearest fountain. This process was repeated for all fountains and was plotted as Map 3. The shaded areas on the map represent the local areas that utilised each fountain.
Most people in Pompeii lived within 80 metres of a fountain.
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The local areas that used individual fountains would have been relatively small, with a number of exceptions to the south-east of the city. There were fewer fountains in this area of lower-density settlement, Roman pompeii 44 which might suggest that the density of fountains reflects the public demand for water in the city. Therefore, from the distribution map a series of very localised areas were established, where the inhabitants drew water from the same fountain.
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